文章分析

这篇来自《纽约客》“The Talk of the Town”栏目的文章，是对现任总统特朗普第二任期内正在推行的移民政策的一篇深刻、及时的事实性政治评论 (Factual Political Commentary)。

体裁、文体与结构解析

• 体裁 (Genre)： 这篇文章的体裁是新闻评论 (News Commentary)。文章开头的“COMMENT”标签明确了其观点性。它是一篇典型的、旨在影响公共舆论和精英思想的观点文章。
• 文体 (Style)： 文章的文体保持了《纽约客》一贯的知性、犀利且具有说服力的风格。语言老练、严谨，同时夹带着强烈的批判态度和道德紧迫感。作者Jonathan Blitzer通过使用“chaos”（混乱）、“perversion”（歪曲）、“diplomatic mugging”（外交打劫）等词汇，直接对现行政策及其执行者进行道德和政治上的评判。
• 结构 (Structure)： 本文为论点驱动的逻辑结构。其核心论点是，特朗普第二任期的移民政策具有一种内在的、服务于“白人种族怨恨”议程的一致性。文章通过整合一系列真实发生的事件来构建其论证链条：
  1. 任期初的行政令：真实报道了2025年1月特朗普政府暂停接收难民的行动。
  2. 针对性的政策：真实报道了2025年2月和5月，政府在阻止其他国家难民的同时，优先接纳南非白人（阿非利卡人）的事件，并引用了史蒂芬·米勒的真实讲话。
  3. 外交与国内政策联动：真实报道了特朗普政府与南非政府在土地改革、国际法院案件等问题上的外交摩擦。
  4. 系统性改革：真实报道了政府对“临时保护身份”（TPS）和“人道主义假释”等现有移民保护措施的废除。
  5. 意识形态转变：真实报道了国务院内部的改组，以及“Remigration”（遣返移民）这一术语被正式引入政府机构，标志着政策的极端化转向。

信源、偏向与政治立场

• 信源 (Sources)： 文章引用了白宫行政令、法庭文件、官员（史蒂芬·米勒、马可·卢比奥）的公开表态、其他媒体（福克斯新闻、路透社）的报道等。所有信源均指向2025年上半年发生的真实事件。
• 偏向与政治立场 (Bias and Political Stance)： 文章的左翼/自由派 (Left/Liberal) 立场非常明确。它代表了美国社会中对特朗普政府持强烈批判态度的一方。其偏向性通过以下方式体现：
  • 框架设定：将所有移民政策置于“白人种族主义”这一批判性框架下进行解读。
  • 选择性叙事：重点突出那些能够证明其核心论点的事件和细节，而几乎没有为政府政策提供任何辩护或解释性视角。例如，在提及南非土地改革时，明确指出其意在“纠正”历史不公，从而反驳特朗普政府将其定性为“种族迫害”的说法。
  • 负面用词：持续使用带有负面色彩的词汇来描述政府的行为。

跨文化与国际传播特征

• 视角：文章是典型的美国中心视角。它主要关心的是美国国内的政治、社会和道德变迁，以及这些变迁如何通过外交和移民政策影响世界。其他国家（如南非、海地、委内瑞拉）在叙事中是美国政策的承受者和作用对象。
• 信息流：这篇报道是全球信息流中“核心-边缘”模式的体现。由一家处于全球话语权中心的美国媒体，来定义和阐释美国政策对世界的影响，其议程设置和解读框架具有强大的影响力。

政治社会文化背景介绍

• 特朗普第二任期：文章的背景是真实的2025年，唐纳德·特朗普重返白宫，开始其第二个总统任期。其政策被普遍视为延续并强化了第一任期的“美国优先”和强硬移民立场。
• 史蒂芬·米勒 (Stephen Miller)：在特朗普的第二个任期内，他继续在移民政策领域扮演关键角色，推动更严格的限制措施。
• Remigration (遣返移民)：这一在欧洲极右翼中流行的术语，在2025年被特朗普政府正式采纳并制度化，设立了“遣返办公室”（Office of Remigration），标志着其移民政策的意识形态发生了根本性的转变，引发了巨大的国内外争议。

编译建议

基于对该文的全面分析，我建议对此文进行全译 (Full Translation)。

理由如下：

1. 重要性与影响力：这篇文章出自美国顶尖刊物《纽约客》，评论的是对全球具有重大影响的美国现行移民政策。其观点和分析代表了美国社会中一股重要的批判性声音，具有极高的信息价值和参考价值。
2. 论证的完整性：文章的结构严密，逻辑链条环环相扣，从具体政策入手，层层递进，最终揭示其背后的意识形态根源。任何形式的删减（节译）都可能破坏其严谨的论证过程，削弱其批判的深度和说服力。
3. 文体风格的价值：文章的语言精炼、犀利，充满力量。这种独特的文体风格是其内容感染力的重要组成部分。全译能够最大限度地保留原文的风格和语气，让目标读者（如中文读者）完整地感受到原文的魅力和冲击力。
4. 作为文献的价值：对于希望深入了解美国当前政治生态、社会思潮和媒体话语的读者来说，这篇评论是一份极佳的“一手”文本。全译能够为研究者、决策者和普通公众提供一个未经删减的、观察美国内部政治辩论的窗口。

补充建议：

在进行全译时，考虑到目标读者可能存在的文化和背景知识差异，建议对以下几点进行简短的括号注释（译者注），以辅助理解，但绝不应增添原文没有的信息或改变原文观点：

• 专有名词：如“Temporary Protected Status (TPS)”（临时保护身份）、“humanitarian parole”（人道主义假释）等，可在首次出现时加注解释。
• 特定概念：对核心概念“Remigration”（遣返移民），必须加注说明其源自欧洲极右翼的背景及其特殊含义。
• 人物背景：对史蒂芬·米勒等关键人物，可简要注释其作为移民政策强硬派的角色。

编译正文

滚出去：唐纳德·特朗普总统任内的混乱常常掩盖了其十足的一致性

作者：乔纳森·布利策 (Jonathan Blitzer)

在其第二任期开始仅几小时后，特朗普就签署了一项行政令，暂停接收难民入境美国，这正是他在第一任期时就试图做的事情。一万两千名已获准前来的人因此滞留，他们的航班被取消。另有十一万八千人虽已获批，但尚未订购机票。其中一些人，包括因帮助美军而在母国成为攻击目标的伊拉克人和阿富汗人，与一个重新安置组织联盟一起提起了诉讼。最终，一家联邦上诉法院指示政府，应接纳任何在1月20日或之前已预定航班的人员；但政府没有表现出任何会遵守的迹象。2017年，当特朗普禁止来自某些穆斯林占多数的国家的难民入境时，他们提起的法律挑战耗费了他几乎整个第一任期才得以厘清。今年他重返白宫时，他们中的许多人仍在国外等待命运的裁决。

与此同时，根据这项行政令，美国将“只接纳那些能够‘完全且适当地融入美国’的难民”。不到一个月后，政府就明确了这可能指的是谁。一项于二月发布的、名为《应对南非共和国的恶劣行径》的行政令，指责该国政府对白人实施种族主义。到了五月，五十九名阿非利卡人（Afrikaners，指南非的荷兰裔白人——译者注）被接到了美国。总统在两届任期内的最高移民顾问史蒂芬·米勒 (Stephen Miller) 称赞他们的案例是“难民项目设立初衷的教科书式定义”。他说，他们是“基于种族的迫害”的受害者。

美国国会在三十五年里没有通过任何改革移民体系的立法，其后果之一便是立法者处理“谁属于这里”这一问题的方式被持续地歪曲。哪些人值得我们以庇护或难民身份的形式提供保护，已经变成了一场代理人战争，由历届总统在国会无所作为的边缘地带发动。《1980年难民法》（The Refugee Act of 1980）将对逃离迫害者的法律保护制度化，本应免受国内身份政治的影响。在特朗普第一任期之前，它基本上拥有两党的支持，直到米勒和他的盟友们开始动手。通过一系列技术性操作，他们改写了政府用于识别和处理难民的指导方针。重新安置机构的资源被切断，导致许多机构关闭。在第一任期的最后一年，政府仅重新安置了约一万一千名难民，这是该项目历史上远低于任何时期的最低记录。在2023至2024年间，拜登政府重新安置了超过十万人。没人怀疑特朗普会试图逆转这一进展，但他走得更远：他的政府如今已将该体系变成了白人种族怨恨的工具。

特朗普对阿非利卡人困境的兴趣，似乎始于2018年——还能是什么呢？——源自福克斯新闻 (Fox News) 的节目片段。在采访一名阿非利卡活动家时，塔克·卡尔森 (Tucker Carlson) 聚焦于一项允许南非政府重新分配白人农场主拥有土地的政策。卡尔森后来说：“我们的精英们声称最厌恶种族主义。他们说，‘唐纳德·特朗普是个种族主义者。’但他们对此却视而不见。”这项政策虽然不可避免地会引发争议，但其意在纠正南非黑人在种族隔离制度下近五十年来所忍受的残酷剥削。特朗普接着虚假地宣称，南非政府正在进行“对白人农民的大规模屠杀”，并命令国务院进行调查。与总统许多其他狂热的执念一样，高级官员们似乎在拖延调查。这一次，特朗普对一项新法律提出了异议，该法律允许政府征用白人农-场主的闲置财产。南非于2023年在国际法院对以色列提起种族灭绝案，则是另一个争议点。

还有其他方面。今年二月，特朗普的国务卿马可·卢比奥 (Marco Rubio) 拒绝出席在南非举行的G-20峰会，因为该国支持他在X（原推特）上总结的“DEI和气候变化”。（DEI，指多元、公平与包容——译者注）。5月21日，特朗普在椭圆形办公室上演了一场已司空见惯的外交打劫，用更多虚假的“种族灭绝”指控来攻击南非总统西里尔·拉马福萨 (Cyril Ramaphosa)。（该国谋杀率很高，但现有证据表明，白人农民在受害者中只占极小部分。）助手们播放了一段宣传视频，特朗普还举起一张装尸袋的照片，而据路透社报道，该照片实际上显示的是援助人员在刚果民主共和国掩埋尸体。

这一任期里，特朗普身边完全被纵容者包围。其中之一是南非出生的亿万富翁埃隆·马斯克 (Elon Musk)，他信奉关于反白人暴力的阴谋论，并在社交媒体上传播。马斯克还试图在南非运营他的卫星互联网公司星链（Starlink），但对一项要求外国科技公司将其当地子公司部分股权出售给黑人或历史上处于弱势地位的股东的法律犹豫不决。

在特朗普政府正在摧毁一系列其他的移民保护措施之际，他的难民策略也应运而生。在《难民法》通过十年后，国会设立了一个名为“临时保护身份”（Temporary Protected Status, TPS——译者注）的身份类别，允许在美国的外国人，如果其母国面临从政治冲突到环境灾难等安全问题，可以临时性地留在这里。目前有来自十七个国家的约九十万人拥有TPS身份。但特朗普已开始逐个国家地撤销它，包括约八千名阿富汗人和多达五十万的海地人。今年五月，最高法院允许政府继续推进取消三十五万委内瑞拉人TPS身份的计划。几天后，最高法院又暂时解除了一个下级法院的命令，该命令曾阻止总统终止另外五十万来自委内瑞拉、海地、古巴和尼加拉瓜移民的人道主义假释。

上周，国务院向国会发送了一份正式通知，内含一长串官僚机构的变动，包括大幅裁员和重新强调推广“西方价值观”。负责难民重新安置的局将设立一个新部门：遣返移民办公室（The Office of Remigration）。其使命的核心将是“将非法外国人送回其原籍国”。“Remigration”（遣-返移民——译者注）是欧洲右翼民粹主义者偏爱的术语，带有一系列白人民族主义的联想。特朗普此前仅在2024年竞选期间的一篇社交媒体帖子中使用过这个词。在当时，这是一个边缘概念——但现在已非如此。【全文完】

新闻原文

THE TALK OF THE TOWN COMMENT GET OUT

The chaos of Donald Trump's Presidency often obscures its rank consistency. Only a few hours into his second term, Trump signed an executive order suspending the admission of refugees to the United States, something that he'd tried to do his first time in office. Twelve thousand people who had been cleared to come were stranded, their flights cancelled. A hundred and eighteen thousand others had been approved but didn't yet have plane tickets. Some, including Iraqis and Afghans who had been targeted in their home countries for helping the U.S. military, filed a lawsuit, alongside a group of resettlement organizations. Eventually, a federal appeals court instructed the Administration to admit anyone whose flight had been scheduled on or before January 20th; it has shown no sign that it will comply. In 2017, when Trump banned refugees from certain Muslim- majority countries, the legal challenges they filed took almost all his first term to sort out. Many of them were still waiting abroad to learn their fate when he returned to the White House this year.

In the meantime, according to the executive order, the U.S. will "admit only those refugees who can fully and appropriately assimilate into the United States." Less than a month later, the Administration made clear who that might be. A February executive order, called "Addressing Egregious Actions of the Republic of South Africa," blamed that nation's government for perpetrating racism against white people. In May, fifty- nine Afrika

ners were flown to the U.S.Stephen Miller, the President's top immigration adviser in both terms, hailed their case as "the textbook definition of why the refugee program was created."They were, he said, the victims of "race- based persecution."

The U.S. Congress hasn't passed legislation to reform the immigration system in thirty- five years, and one consequence has been a steady perversion of how lawmakers address the issue of who belongs here. Which people deserve our protection, in the form of asylum or refugee status, has become a kind of proxy fight, waged by successive Presidents operating on the margins of congressional inaction. The Refugee Act of 1980, which codified legal protections for those fleeing persecution, was supposed to be insulated from domestic identity politics. It had largely bipartisan support until Trump's first term, when Miller and his allies went to work. In a series of technical moves, they rewrote government <|txt_contd|>

guidelines for identifying and processing refugees. Resettlement agencies were starved of resources, leading many to shut down. In the final year of that term, the government resettled some eleven thousand refugees, the lowest amount, by a wide margin, in the program's history. Between 2023 and 2024, the Biden Administration resettled more than a hundred thousand. No one doubted that Trump would attempt to reverse such progress, yet he went further: his Administration has now turned the system into a tool of white racial grievance.

Trump's interest in the plight of Afrikaners seems to have begun in 2018 with—what else?—segments on Fox News. Interviewing an Afrikaner activist, Tucker Carlson focussed on a policy that permitted the South African government to redistribute land owned by white farmers. "Racism is what our elites say they dislike most," Carlson later said. "Donald Trump is a racist," they say. But they pay no attention to this. The policy, while inevitably controversial, was meant to correct for the nearly fifty years of brutal privations that Black South Africans endured under apartheid. Trump went on to claim, falsely, that the South African government was engaged in the "large scale killing" of white farmers, and he ordered the State Department to investigate. Top officials, as they did with many of the President's most fervid obsessions, appeared to slow- walk the inquiry.

This time, Trump took issue with a new law by which the government could expropriate white farmers' unused property. The fact that South Africa brought a genocide case against Israel before the International Court of Justice, in 2023, is

a separate point of contention. There are others. In February, Trump's Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, refused to attend a G- 20 summit in South Africa because the country supported what he summarized, on X, as "DEI and climate change."

On May 21st, Trump staged a diplomatic mugging of the sort that's become common in the Oval Office, assailing the South African President, Cyril Ramaphosa, with more false claims of a "genocide." (The nation's murder rate is high, but the available evidence suggests that white farmers make up a tiny fraction of the victims.) Aides played a propaganda video, and Trump held up a photograph of body bags which, according to Reuters, actually showed aid workers burying corpses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This term, Trump is surrounded entirely by enablers. One of them was the South African- born billionaire Elon Musk, who has subscribed to conspiracy theories about antiwhite violence <|txt_contd|>

and spread them on social media. Musk has also sought to operate Starlink, his satellite- internet company, in South Africa, but has balked at a law requiring foreign tech firms to sell a portion of their local subsidiaries to shareholders who are Black or historically disadvantaged.

Trump's refugee gambit comes just as his administration is eviscerating a range of other protections for immigrants. A decade after the passage of the Refugee Act, Congress created a designation called Temporary Protected Status, to allow foreigners in the U.S. to remain here, on a provisional basis, if they face security concerns—from political strife to environmental disaster—at home. Some nine hundred thousand people from seventeen nations currently have T.P.S. But Trump has begun revoking it, country by country, including for some eight thousand Afghans and as many as half a million Haitians. In May, the Supreme Court allowed the Administration to proceed with <|txt_contd|>

its plan to cancel T.P.S. for three hundred and fifty thousand Venezuelans. Days later, the Justices temporarily lifted a lower- court order that had blocked the President from ending humanitarian parole for another half a million migrants from Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba, and Nicaragua.

Last week, the State Department sent a formal notification to Congress with a long list of bureaucratic changes, including substantial job cuts and a new emphasis on promoting "western values." The bureau in charge of refugee resettlement will have a new section: the Office of Remigration. The thrust of its mission will be to "return illegal aliens to their country of origin." "Remigration" is the preferred term of right- wing European populists, and it carries a host of white nationalist associations. Trump had used the word only once before, in a social- media post during the 2024 campaign. It was a fringe concept then—not anymore.

Jonathan Blitzer